Cross – Death – Tomb

Thomas Mann: Betrachtungen eines Unpolitischen (English title: Reflections of a Nonpolitical Man) ISBN 978-3-596-15052-6 ⭐️⭐️ As much as I like Thomas Mann’s novels like “The Magic Mountain”, “Tonio Kröger” and “Doctor Faustus”, his reflexions about World War I and Germany’s political role, published between 1918 and1920, appalled me. Mann, a faithful follower of Arthur Schopenauer and Friedrich Nietzsche, believed in the separation of politics and arts. In 1914 he argued that arts should stay away from day-to-day politics. He saw a fundamental opposition between “Geist” (mind) and “Macht” (might) and decried a perceived proliferation of politics into all aspects of human life, arts included. He would not use his undeniable talent as a writer to voice his opposition to the pending war.

Mann was supporting the war that he saw as part of a cultural struggle opposing Germany to the rest of Europe, a mindset he did not consider a political action and thus would not be a contradiction of his goal to remain an unpolitical observer of history unfolding. “Did the world look more beautiful before the war?”, he asks rhetorically, alluding to the class differences and the excesses of unrestrained capitalism in the late 19th century. “When it [the war] was young, when it started and blew away ‘peace’, wasn’t Germany much to the contrary beautiful during a holy moment?” War as a purification of corrupt societies – on both sides, France and Germany, intellectuals succumbed to that illusion. What a tragedy!

My German edition of “Betrachtungen eines Unpolitischenhas some 580 pages, the vast majority serving to a mystic and bombastic, at times polemic defense of German militarism in the name of the superiority of the German soul and the German culture. According to Mann, both the German soul and the German culture had to defend themselves against a perceived French-Italian-English cultural dominance and influence, exemplified by these countries’ emphasis on democracy, liberalism, human rights and pluralism. Mann instead promotes the unity of the German people, the Kaiser and the church with an emphasis on duty and Germany’s fundamental cultural difference from all other countries. He uses a formula directly borrowed from German Romanticism, obsessed by death wishes and heroism: Kreuz, Tod, Gruft – cross, death, tomb. The main inspiration of his ideas: Fyodor Dostoevsky – Nietzsche was impressed by Dostoevsky’s insight into the human soul – and of course Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, a sworn enemy of French republicanism.

Germany’s alleged superiority

Mann’s credo is concisely explained in the central chapter “Against law and truth” – a direct answer to his brother Heinrich Mann, who opposed Germany’s war policy. Mann writes that a lasting peace in Europe can only be based “on the victory and the might of the supra-national people [of Germany], the people that holds the supreme universalist truth, the most accomplished cosmopolitan gift, the deepest sense of European responsibility.” Where Adolf Hitler some 20 later would emphasize the biological superiority of Germany, Mann uses the argument of cultural-philosophical superiority. Both are phantasms, both served to justify a European- and worldwide war. And Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi propaganda mastermind, would try to co-opt Mann as an ally until the latter’s emigration.

Mann claims his position about World War I “was necessary, logical, authentic and true, it was the result of my true being, my origin and education, of my nature and my culture, which cannot be completely mean, false, since they gave birth to two or three works that are good and will stay on…” I cannot be wrong now since my ideological framework allowed me to write a successful book – what kind of logic is that?

How could such an intelligent and well-educated writer fall for such nonsense? I probably underestimated Nietzsche’s attractiveness – I see his ideas as a curious historical footnote – since I have the benefit of hindsight, nevertheless it remains a mystery to me why Mann failed to see the purely geo-strategic dimension of World War I, and how the idea of a German cultural exceptionalism could obfuscate his mind to such a degree that he would rank cultural differences just as important as geo-strategic issues when it came to the reasons leading to the war.

No, I don’t like this book, and many times I was tempted to set it aside for ever. As a matter of fact I skipped several dozen pages, such as those where Mann makes fun of the use of chemical weapons against Germany’s ennemies. Nevertheless I kept going until the end, despite the ideas Mann propagates and despite Mann’s arrogant attitude. Yes, arrogant, since Mann portrays himself as the only one holding the truth and denigrates anyone who would dare question his “reflections”. Why did I persevere then? Because I think it is important to see how a brilliant mind can be led in error despite its good intentions.

Leaving the ivory tower – reluctantly

Thomas Mann switched sides a few years after he had published this collection of essays. In the chapter “Politics” he already hints at the possibility that he may change his attitude though he sees it as a possible “adaption” to the changing political and societal environment: “As far as I am concerned, I must understand that I need to absorb, learn, seek understanding, correct myself – but I can’t deny my true being and my education, I can’t pull out my roots and plant them elsewhere.”

Mann may be forgiven then, because he understood the artist’s duty well before the outbreak of World War II and left the unpolitical artist’s ivory tower. In 1930, three years before the Nazis came to power, he warned his fellow Germans in his “German Speech: An Appeal to Reason”. He called upon the Germans to vote for the Social-Democratic Party in the upcoming parliamentary elections and questioned whether it was compatible with the German spirit to “transform politics into an opiate for the masses” as the Nazis did. He denounced the fanaticism of National-Socialism as alien to the German soul.

At a time when someone like Steve Bannon sets out to poison European minds with his alt-right conspiracy theories and his overt racism to influence the 2019 elections for a new European Parliament and to promote nationalistic, xenophobic and racist parties, one has to be watchful not to repeat the errors of the past. At a time when the deliberate spreading of propaganda and fake news via social media have given nationalism, racism, anti-intellectualism an enormous potential audience, it is important to see how easily even a bright minds can be confused.

Thomas Mann loved Richard Wagner’s operas and he speaks several times in his “Reflections of a Nonpolitical Man” of “Tristan und Isolde”. I am infatuated by this opera myself and willing to share my enthusiasm, provided we leave any political interpretation aside:

A metaphysical love on the coast of Cornwall

Why I Left Social Networks

jaron lanier

Jaron Lanier: Ten Arguments For Deleting Your Social Media Accounts Right Now. ISBN 978-1-847-92539 ⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️ I left Twitter today. Time will tell for how long. The business model behind it will have to change radically before I become an active user again. I logged out and I deleted the app on my smart phone. I did the right thing. I heeded Jaron Lanier’s advice because the ten arguments he exposes in his most recent book all make very much sense to me. Being part of a planetary wide scheme to manipulate people’s behaviour – because this is what social networks like Twitter or Facebook and the behemoth called “Google” do – was not part of the deal as I understood it. I was naive and Lanier opened my eyes. I am very grateful for that.

So what about these arguments? Social networks made an addict of me. We all long for social recognition, don’t we? Social networks bet on this psychological weakness and offer us easy rewards. We post a cute picture, a witty idea, a cool video – and we get “likes”. Such an easy reward. And we feel good since we “like” other people’s stuff too. The trouble is – it’s all fake. We do not know most of our followers, they could be real, they could be bots, and still we attach a lot of emotions to those “likes”. And to our ever-growing number of followers. Both taken together make us change our behaviour. We spend more and more time on social networks which is precisely what the algorithms in charge want us to do. Because they want to show us advertisement.

Profiling on a global scale

Finely tuned advertisement that fits our profile, a profile defined by all that we share on social networks and aggregated with millions of other similar profiles. The profile defines what we see on social networks. It’s not us who define it. We have little say in that. Furthermore, according to Lanier, living on social networks – often anonymously – stimulates us to behave badly, to lose our natural inhibition. Negativism attracts people – good news is no news – and makes them stay on social networks. Glee and social pressure are the keywords here: We are more easily tempted to howl with the wolf pack and engage in collective misbehaviour. The algorithms behind social networks encourage us to do so. Free will? Forget it. We are being manipulated. Welcome to the bubble that traps us for life.

“See what’s happening in the world right now!” That’s how one of these networks tries to lure new subscribers. To see what’s happening in the world I read newspapers instead. I read two paper editions and several foreign online editions every day. I can pick the piece I want to read while social networks show me what it’s algorithms thinks I may want to read. That’s not the same. Or it shows me what it wants me to read because somebody paid for my profile data and has a custom-tailored message for me. No, thank you. It opens the door to fake news, distorted news, hate speech and political propaganda on an unseen scale.

Less empathy, less happiness

Lanier comes up with many more arguments: Social networks destroy the context of what people say – a source for misunderstandings and manipulation – and lower our capacity for empathy. It makes us unhappy – addictions always do. Social networks make rational politics difficult as Brexit and the US election have shown and – worst of all – they try to supplant our individual spiritual landmarks by their own, exclusively economic values, geared towards making a few people – the operators of the networks and their advertisement customers – rich. Do I want to be part of such a scheme? No, I don’t.

It took a while until I reached that conclusion. I had made a short stint to Facebook and was horrified by the meaningless stuff I read there. Twitter at least limited the trash to 140 characters at the time. My Twitter presence started in December 2014 and had two objectives: First, to engage with people interested in books and music. It rarely happened, and when it happened we quickly switched to emails and letters. Yes, letters. Very old school. Second, to promote my two blogs. Initially that worked to some degree, but once the number of my followers stagnated, Twitter became useless. Visitor numbers grew, but not because of Twitter.

A real life with real emotions

Something had been brewing there. I have been unhappy with the time I devoted to Twitter for a long time. I realized how stupid it is to look with anticipation at the numbers of followers and “likes” and retweets. Looking at the happy face of my child when we do a barbecue and hearing the cat purring on my lap is much more satisfactory. True love! It can’t be found on social networks. Real life matters. Virtual life is at best a delusion, at worst a blatant lie. The business model behind social networks is a perversion of human interaction.

The only reason I do not delete my Twitter account yet is the fact that it has 289 followers of which some might like to be informed when a new post will be published on this blog or on my music blog. But I won’t monitor the account, I won’t like, won’t comment, won’t retweet. If you decide to unfollow me, that’s okay. If you decide to leave social networks, and wish to stay in touch nevertheless –  I use the Swiss messaging service Threema; my ID is S2NMB3F4. It comes with an initial investment of 2.5 Euro and it uses end-to-end encryption like WhatsApp. Contrary to WhatsApp it does not ask for your phone number. It works without US servers prone to legal and illegal snooping, it stores no content on its servers and its operation is governed by Swiss data protection laws. Signal is the free US alternative with all the drawbacks free apps have.

Social networks as they are set up right now are a threat to individual self-determination and as such a threat to a democratic society. Freedom is a value I cherish. Some fight for it with weapons, others with music. Here is a delightful piece of music about the battle for liberty, Ludwig van Beethoven’s incidental music “Egmont”, Op. 84:

Liberty, sacrifice and charming madness

P. S. A much better review on Lanier’s book was published by The Guardian, a really good newspaper by the way, which I try to read every day.

Traveling to the Epicenter of the Revolution

merridale lenin zug

Catherine Merridale: Lenins Zug. Eine Reise in die Revolution. (English title: Lenin on the Train. Translation by Bernd Rullkötter) ISBN 978-3-10-002274-5 ⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️ Russian history is a fascinating subject and especially modern Russian history, starting with the revolution of 1905, is a subject that keeps fascinating a political scientist like me. Catherine Merridale retraces Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov’s trip from his Swiss exile to St. Petersburg in 1917 in order to reorganize first the Bolshevik party and then Russia itself – with an iron hand and little concern for democratic aspirations. Ulyanov? Well, the man became better known under his nom de guerre, the name he took while being banished by the Russian czar to Siberia: Lenin.

Europe was at war in 1917, and the German government had decided to let Lenin and some of his party friends travel from Switzerland through Germany to Sweden and Russia even though Russia was at war with Germany. The High Command, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and German spy networks supported all kind of opposition forces in Russia to weaken the czar’s government, hoping to negotiate a separate peace with Russia and to liberate army units much-needed on the Western front.

Merridale not only gives a vivid description of the travel conditions but also an extensive overview of the political, diplomatic, economical and military entanglements. She excels once again as a narrator; and should you find this book interesting, I warmly recommend her previous book “Red Fortress: History and Illusion in the Kremlin”. Sound historic research, an excellent command of language and a good feeling for building tension are Merridale’s hallmarks, and the fact that all kind of intelligence services play a part in this book make it a true page-turner. History lessons can be so enjoyable! Too bad nobody told me at school.

In the final chapters the historian sketches the type of political system Lenin had in mind. By manipulating and intimidating his political opponents – conservatives, liberals, moderate leftists – he established the foundation of a tyranny and did not back away from blackmail, inciting riots or worse imprisonment and murder of his perceived enemies. Lenin had ruled out a democratic, open state. His ideal was the “dictatorship of the proletariat”, which in fact was just an euphemism for the dictatorship of the elite of the Bolshevik and later the Communist party. Whether the population of Russia and the occupied territories like the Ukraine wanted such a rule, was of no concern to him. Loyal to Marx he believed in the deterministic model of the historical and dialectical materialism, and aimed to fulfill the historical necessity to bring down the old order and establish a new one.

The trip in the train gave Lenin ample time to write down the principles of this Marxist-Leninist political order. Once he and his fellow travelers had made it to St. Petersburg, the city that would later be named Leningrad in his honour, he engaged in a violent political combat against the established parties and politicians to implement his vision. The price did not matter, even if it meant turning the international conflict into a gruesome, European wide civil war pitting workers and farmers against the middle-class and the aristocracy. Merridale quotes one of Lenin’s allies in 1917, Leo Trotzky: “It is not by chance that ‘unforgiving’ and ‘merciless’ are frequent [words] in Lenin’s vocabulary.”

Just like Stalin, subject of a biography that I have presented in an earlier post, Lenin was more a professional revolutionary than a statesman or a politician. Still, despite his radical political ideas he was a friend of arts and admired Ludwig van Beethoven’s Piano Sonata “Appassionata”, perhaps because he saw the revolution in music that Beethoven had kicked off. I wonder what he would have thought of the Five Piano Pieces (Op. 23), written by Arnold Schönberg, another musical revolutionary:

Intelligible music – To memorize means to understand

Restoring the Equilibrium to Preserve Peace

Pierre Assouline: Une question d’orgueil. ISBN 978-2-07-045963-6 ⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️ What pushes a man to betray his country, his government, his government’s allies? Georges Pâques is at the center of an espionnage case that shook France and Europe in the 60s when Pâques was identied as a Soviet agent, arrested and sentenced.

The French writer Pierre Assouline goes beyond simply retracing the unusual career of a French public servant that passed intelligence for more than 20 years to Moscow. The quest for the truth about Pâques’ character and his motivation – if such a truth exists – was an adventure in itself that merited being shared with the public. And Assouline does it in his inimitable, beautiful way as he did it in his biography of the journalist Albert Londres.

Assouline talked to Pâques, to his first Soviet agent handler, the latter’s wife and grand-daughter. He sneaked into Russian archives at the time when Boris Yeltsin ruled Russia and everything in Russia was for sale, state secrets inclusive. And gradually he came closer to the essence of Pâques deepest convictions: A sense of mission to put something right, to correct the balance of world affairs. Nothing less.

Pâques was a deeply pious Catholic, politically conservative and he certainly felt no sympathy for the autocratic regime of Staline and his successors. At the same time he was disgusted by the United States’ dominance in world affairs and their government’s arrogance, something he experienced right at the beginning of his career as a public servant of the French administration in Algeria in the 40s. This experience triggered a reflection that would propulse his career: Restoring the equilibrium by helping the Soviet Union. Betraying to preserve world peace. Talk about an ambitious young man.

The Soviet side quickly realized their luck, and Pâques’ first handler rather easily recruited him to report rumours, ideas, opinions, gradually moving to more sensitive information. Once he realized he had in fact become a Soviet agent in the top echelons of the French government and NATO, it was too late to turn back. The irony of his career: Betrayal led to Pâques downfall. A Soviet defector revealed details about a French agent and authoritirs patiently collected information until they had singled him out.

I am not without ambition myself, though I feel much more attracted by music than by politics. One of my long-term goals is to learn to play Ludwig van Beethoven’s Piano Sonata No. 21 in C major (Op. 53):

Standing in awe before the Waldstein- Sonata

Turkey under Erdogan – The Descent into Autocracy

Sultan Erdogan

Soner Cagaptay: The New Sultan: Erdogan and the Crisis of Modern Turkey ⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️ ISBN 978-1-78453-826-2 A month before the general elections in Turkey it seems timely to review a book about the rise to power of the Turkish leader, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Erdogan rules Turkey with an iron fist, but the country appears to be split into one half supporting Erdogan and his policies inspired by political Islam while the other half openly rejects it and is in favour of an open, democratic society. The elections were originally scheduled for 2019. However Erdogan’s policies have triggered a domestic and foreign policy crisis that led to the unsuccessful military putsch in 2016, and his “Justice and Development Party” (AKP) sees anticipated elections as a possibility to consolidate its power.

Cagaptay’s book, published in 2017, is an excellent introduction into the ups and downs of contemporary Turkish politics and a hands-on study of the radical shift in Turkey’s political visions from Kemal Ataturk’s ideal of a secular state allied to the United States and Europe towards a country emphasizing religion as the unique reference point for societal values and gradually alienating the US and the EU. The historian begins with a short description of modern Turkey’s early days starting with the death of its founder Ataturk in 1938 and with the birth of political Islam in Turkey. This is interesting for anyone new to Turkish history, at the same time I would like to point out a detailed account of this time that I covered in a previous post: Andrew Mango’s book “The Turks Today”.

An antidote to Communism

One of the key factors helping Erdogan to rise to power was ironically the military that saw itself for decades as the guardian of Ataturk’s secular society model with religion being a strictly private issue. Out of fear that communism might seduce many young people especially in rural areas, the generals jettisoned their hostility against religious ideas in the public sphere by the 1980s. This enabled Erdogan’s predecessor and mentor Necmettin Erbakan to build a grass-root movement inspired by political Islam.

Erbakan set up a network of religious schools that spread his ideas, and the tolerant attitude of the military allowed its students a great degree of upward social mobility. Religious schools had been in existence for many years, but until then their students had been mostly excluded from society life. From now on they would be able to attend higher education, to work in the public sector and to do lucrative business with the government. The former outcasts started a long march towards integration.

Erdogan scored his first political success at a time when economical liberalization had propelled Turkey from being a backward country with an economy dominated by agriculture to a prospering industrial country with a rapidly growing service sector (trade, tourism). He portrayed himself as a leader speaking for “ordinary folks [who] wanted nothing more than to lead a virtous life”, meaning a pious life without being discriminated, and his party as the only one to really care about the grievances of “ordinary folks”.

He also portrayed Turkey as being the victim of perpetual foreign scheming by the US and the EU. Initially he rejected capitalism and communism alike, writes Cagaptay, and espoused a message of national sovereignty. His vision: Islam as an ethical reference point, moving away from the West and courting its Middle Eastern neighbours as well as Russia. This led him to reach out to Iran, the Syrian leader Bashar al-Assad, the PLO and Hamas.

Erdogan exploits a political void

With the right-wing Turkish politicians having been discredited by corruption scandals and left-wing parties having been suppressed by the military, a void opened in the 1990s, and this is where Erdogan came in. In 1994 he was elected mayor of Istanbul. Under his guidance the city delivered better public services and the mayor became a popular figure all over Turkey. The economic prosperity of the country played into his hands. He reaped the benefits of the liberalization his political adversaries had initiated without being mixed up in their corruption scandals. At the same time Erbakan won the general elections in 1995 and formed a coalition government with the Center-Right. It faltered however under the pressure of the military who was alarmed by Erbakan’s radical Islamist ideas and the high degree of support in the population.

Meanwhile Erdogan was biding his time. Having learned from the many tactical mistakes Erbakan had made, e.g. a hard-line attitude in religious questions, he adopted a moderate attitude, placating the military. He embraced free market economy and outlined a pro-Western policy. His undeniable personal charisma, his party’s excellent logistical preparation and Turkey’s economic crisis in 2001 helped him win the elections in 2002 while many of the traditional parties did not pass the electoral threshold of 10 percent.

Courting Europe and rejecting it

Erbakan’s resolution to curb the military’s power in the political arena endeared him to European leaders. He pushed economic reforms making Turkey’s business sector more competitive, translating into a rising standard of living, and pushed for accession to the EU. He promised to improve the human right’s situation in Turkey. He seemed willing to find a compromise with the important Kurdish minority.

All well? Not quite. Nobody can deny the economic success of Erdogan’s governance. But improving human rights meant doing away with the last residues of Ataturk’s concept of a secular state. Admonishments from Brussels and Strasbourg, where the European Court of Human Rights is located, quickly dissipated Erdogan’s appetite for an accession to the EU. The Kurds had to be courted, but only as long as Erdogan needed their support in parliament. One of Erdogan’s great talents is to find the right allies when he needs them and to drop or crush them when they have fulfilled their role.

A crucial moment in the political life of Erdogan is depicted in the chapter “The Silent Revolution”, which describes how Erdogan’s party infiltrated all levels of public service and especially the police with the help of a politician that Erdogan now casts as his arch-enemy, Fetullah Gulen, the head of an Islamic Brotherhood. Edogan and Gulen played each other to rise to the top of the state, each tried to use the other, but Erdogan was smarter than his opponent. After the putsch in 2016, Erdogan would single out Gulen as the chief conspirator, helped by the US and the “Deep State”, a notion that embodies the sum of all Turkish conspiracy theories.

Fighting the liberal society

After Erdogan won the elections in 2011, he rapidly transformed Turkey into an autocratic state, emboldened by a referendum on a revision of Turkey’s constitution. The majority of the voters apparently did not understand the finer details of the revision and the referendum turned out to be a vote of confidence for Erdogan’s leadership. After he had stripped the military of its dominant role, he weakened the judicial system by expanding the number of judges and filling the vacant posts with people loyal to his party. He also gained control of the majority of the media through pressure and purges.

The failed military putsch in 2016 was the weakened opposition’s last attempt to stop Erdogan, and while Western politicians condemned the attempt of a faction of the armed forces to topple an elected government, they were appalled by the brutal repression it set off. Top military officers, journalists, politicians, human rights activists were thrown into jail, relations with the US and Europe dropped to a new low point. Managing the flow of refugees fleeing the Syrian civil war and the battle against ISIS were the only shared interests between Turkey and the West. Cagaptay points out that “after a decade of increasingly arbitrary foreign policy and domestic political attitudes, Erdogan’s Turkey will be willing to commit to, at best, a transactional relationship with the United States and Europe”. What’s in for Turkey and what is the price?

The outlook is bleak

Is there any hope then for Turkey to return to a liberal democracy? Cagaptay writes that “the AKP [Erdogan’s party] made Turkey’s middle-class society, and for this it enjoys broad support […] But the flip side of this story is that Erdogan rules with an iron fist while a growing number of middle-class Turks conflictingly and increasingly want a free society.” He sketches a number of conditions for a return to an open society. None of those are fulfilled right now. The opposition is split and there seems to be no common, concrete vision for an alternative societal model since a return to Ataturk’s vision is excluded. It will be interesting to see by how big a margin the AKP will win the elections in June and whether the opposition parties can muster the courage to unify.

Erdogan initiated and shaped change in Turkey. Turkey’s civil society, the United States and Europe need to manage this change. Change is painful – the Soviet composer Dmitry Shostakovich experienced this manifold and reflected it in his Symphony No. 11 in G minor (Op. 103) “The Year 1905”:

Managing change – a matter of life and death